Abstract:
Bangladesh has significant impacts from climate change-induced catastrophes, including cyclones and floods (Nishat and Mukherjee, 2013; Ahmed, 2006). In addition to sudden-onset disasters, there is a significant prevalence of slow-onset disasters in this region. These include the gradual loss of biodiversity, the rise in sea levels resulting in the intrusion of saline water into aquifers, estuaries, and wetlands, sedimentation, drainage congestion, as well as the occurrence of landslides and erosion during storm surges and rainstorms. These phenomena have been extensively documented in scientific literature (IPCC, 2007; Titus et al., 1991). One of the significant issues in Bangladesh that has gained attention in recent times is the increase in salt intrusion, which may be attributed to the decrease in the volume of freshwater flowing from upstream sources (Abedin, 2010). According to Gbetibouo and Hassan (2005), the anticipated influx of saline water is likely to worsen existing issues, including agricultural damage, food instability, and limited availability of potable water. Saline water intrusion has been shown to have a significant negative impact on coastal agriculture, as highlighted by Mahmood et al. (2010). This issue is particularly concerning due to the fact that coastal agriculture plays a crucial role in supporting rural lives, as emphasized by the Asian Development Bank (ADB, 2011). According to Alam et al. (2013), a significant majority of people, ranging from 80% to 90%, rely on agriculture and fisheries as their primary sources of livelihood. These sectors are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, as highlighted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2007) and the Climate Change Commission (CCC, 2006). Uddin (2012) reported that around 56.6% of those living in coastal regions experience food insecurity as a result of salt. According to a report by the World Bank in 2012, it is estimated that around 40% of arable land in the southern part of Bangladesh would be destroyed due to a predicted sea level rise of 65 cm by the 2080s. The potential consequences of this might exacerbate the issue of food poverty among coastal communities. The ability to adapt is a critical determinant in influencing the potential magnitude of climate change effects on food production (Easterling, 2007; Sovacool et al., 2012). A number of governmental initiatives are now being undertaken with the aim of enhancing the agricultural sector's ability to adapt to climate-related hazards (FAO, 2008). The potential for adaptation is intricately linked to several types of capital, such as financial, social, human, natural, and physical. The aforementioned types of capital suggest the inherent ability of the coastal population, allowing them to effectively adjust to the dynamic nature of climatic circumstances (Alam et al., 2013; FAO, 2008).
Historically, women have encountered limited access to various forms of capital, particularly financial capital, on a global scale (Nasreen, 2012; Goh, 2012; Mitchell et al., 2007; Ariyabandu and Foenseka, 2006). This disparity may be attributed to the presence of patriarchal social systems and structures, whereby males wield authority and control over women. The exercise of male power in relation to women serves to perpetuate the marginalization of women from many social and economic prospects, so limiting their ability to avail themselves of resources. While there is a widespread acknowledgment of the significant role that women play in both mitigation and adaptation efforts (Rodenberg, 2009; UNDP, 2008), their capacity to adapt is hindered by a dual impact of predetermined physical shocks and their constrained access to resources (Alam et al., 2013; Nandy and Ahammad, 2012; Moser, 2007; Sherraden, 1991).
The cost associated with the adaptation of coastal agriculture is significant due to various factors, such as the procurement of saline-tolerant seeds, crop diversification, the removal of saline water from the land through pumping mechanisms, the establishment of channels to facilitate the inflow of saline-free water, the utilization of floating mats for crop cultivation, and the preparation of artificial seedbeds. According to Tanellari et al. (2011), there is often a lower adoption rate of these tactics among women in comparison to males, primarily due to the financial burden they are unable to sustain. In addition, women have the load sometimes referred to as the 'triple burden', including ensuring family nourishment via activities such as cultivating and preparing food, engaging in child raising, and frequently engaging in the commercial sale of their produce. Investing in women has dual advantages enhancing their well-being and positively impacting the welfare of their family members. The enhancement of women's ability to adapt necessitates the integration of personal talents and household capabilities with institutional assistance (Alam et al., 2013; Osbahr et al., 2008; Park et al., 2012). The present research anticipates that women residing in coastal areas have the ability to use diverse adaptation techniques in relation to agricultural output, leading to an improvement in their capacity to adapt, provided they have access to different kinds of capital.